By all accounts, the U.S. military dominates state-on-state conflict. In the past, non-state actors (i.e., terrorists, guerrillas, drug traffickers) appeared to be less threatening to U.S. national security than the well-funded, well-organized, and potent armed forces of an enemy nation-state. However, the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 illustrate that small groups of non-state actors can exploit relatively inexpensive and commercially available technology to conduct very destructive attacks over great distances. Today's U.S. Armed Forces were developed principally with state-on-state conflict in mind. Combating non-state actors presents a number of distinct challenges in terms of operations, cost, and mind set. While U.S. policy makers typically seek quick and decisive victories, non-state actors seek protracted war. Non-state actors often employ cheap, commercially available weapons that often result in expensive responses by the United States. Many of the weapons and methods employed today by U.S. Armed Forces can be used against non-state actors. Some, however, are more directly applicable than others. U.S. experience in conducting close air support (CAS), employing special operations forces (SOF), and advising friendly governments in using aviation to defend themselves from insurgents and terrorists may form a basis for building capabilities against non-state actors. Pursuing objectives against non-state actors while "winning the hearts and minds" of local populations, or at least not alienating them, appears to be a key consideration. There is a consensus view that airpower is one of the United States' great military advantages. But some people are increasingly concerned that military aviation is focused too much on the demands of fighting conventional foes to the detriment of irregular warfare, and that DoD must re-shape its aviation forces to increase their relevance in small wars, while maintaining the capability to win major conflicts.


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